A
letter to all members of the SWP (Britain)
by Socialist Worker - New Zealand - 30th
October 2007
Dear
comrades,
Your
comrades in the International Socialist Tendency in Socialist Worker
- New Zealand have watched what appears to be the unfolding disengagement
of the Socialist Workers Party (Britain) from RESPECT - the Unity
Coalition with gradually mounting concern, anxiety and frustration.
SW-NZ’s
perspective since 2002 has been that building new broad forces to
the left of the social liberal (formerly social democratic) parties
is an essential step towards the rebirth of a serious anti-capitalist
worker’s movement. The work carried out by the SWP and its
allies to build a broad coalition of the left which could compete
with Blairite/Brownite New Labour on equal terms has been an inspiration
to us, and, we believe, to all serious socialists throughout the
world.
In
the last two months, to our distress, all the good work that has
been carried out in England and Wales seems on the verge of going
down the tubes. Whatever the rights and wrongs of the specific organizational
proposals put to the Respect National Council by George Galloway
MP in August, an outright civil war has broken out between the SWP
leadership and other forces in Respect. This, as far as we can see,
could - and should - have been avoided.
It
seems to us that your party’s leadership has decided to draw
“battle lines” between itself and the rest of Respect
- a stance, we believe, guaranteed to destroy the trust and working
relationships on which any broad political coalition stands. Of
particular concern to us is the expulsion of three respected cadre
from the SWP - Kevin Ovenden, Rob Hoveman and Nick Wrack - for refusing
to cut working relationships with those seen as being opposed to
the SWP. To draw hard lines against other forces within a united
front (even of a “special type”) and to expel members
who refuse to accept those hard lines is behaviour you would usually
see from a sectarian organization, not a party of serious socialists
looking to build a new left alternative. It is perhaps in this context
that Galloway’s reported comments about “Leninists”
should be understood, rather than as an attempt to exclude revolutionary
politics from Respect.
What
distresses us particularly is that the above mentioned comrades
were expelled after submitting what seem to us to be thoughtful
and critical contributions to your pre-conference Internal Bulletin.
If these three comrades are not being victimized for raising a political
alternative to the line of the Central Committee, it certainly gives
the appearance of such victimization - or even, to use a word which
has become common currency recently, witch-hunting.
The opening contribution of the SWP CC to the Internal Bulletin
makes a couple of points which seem to us to be particularly problematic
in this context. Firstly, the CC state that:
The critics of the SWP’s position have organised themselves
under the slogan “firm in principles, flexible in tactics”.
But separating principles and tactics in this way is completely
un-Marxist. Tactics derive from principles. Indeed the only way
that principles can become effective is if they are embodied in
day-to-day tactics.
It seems to us an uncontroversial statement that tactics must be
based on much more than principles - a lesson which Lenin himself
explained clearly in his famous “Left-Wing” Communism.
Revolutionary tactics must be based on the objective realities of
the time - the level of class consciousness, the balance of forces
in society at any given moment, the resources and cadre available
to a revolutionary organization. To derive tactics from principles
is not the method of scientific socialism, but of a dogmatic or
even sectarian approach, that the party is “schoolteacher
to the class”.
As
we see it, the disaster overtaking Respect has been exacerbated
by the SWP deriving tactics from principles. The principle is that
“the revolutionary party” embodies the correct programme,
that it must work as a disciplined unit to win its position, and
that there is nothing to learn from reformist or other forces. This
feeds into a tactical approach that any threat to the organizational
leadership of “the revolutionary party” must be fought
using all means at the party’s disposal, and those forces
who oppose the strategy of the party must be eliminated if they
do not accept defeat.
According
to the information we have, your party chose not to debate Galloway’s
proposals openly within Respect first, and tease out the politics
behind them. Rather, the SWP leadership first moved to neutralize
internal dissent, before coming out fighting in Respect with accusations
of “witch-hunting”. Instead of leading with the political
arguments and winning leadership among the broad left forces in
Respect, your leadership seems to have mobilized the party for a
civil war waged primarily by organizational or administrative means.
Inherent in this drive to defeat Galloway and his allies appears
a “for us or against us” approach which seems to leave
no room for any possible reconciliation - in effect, ensuring the
death of Respect in its current form as a coalition of the broad
left and a nascent transitional formation of working-class politics.
An
attempt by the SWP to establish dominance by sheer force of numbers
at the upcoming Respect conference would, it seems to us, result
in a Pyrrhic victory at best. Such a course of action, even if successful,
would simply drive out those forces who are opposed to your party’s
current line and leadership, and reconstitute Respect as a front
for SWP electoral activities. We can not see this as encouraging
class consciousness or political consciousness, among the SWP, Respect
or broader left forces. On the contrary, it seems almost designed
to harden the boundaries of organizational loyalty and the divisions
between “the revolutionary party” and other forces -
almost the definition of sectarianism. Again, if these stories are
true, then Galloway’s comments about “Russian dolls”
would seem to us - as revolutionary Leninists ourselves - to be
fair comment.
Another
quotation from your Central Committee’s IB contribution which
struck us runs as follows:
Of all the claims made against the SWP’s position the argument
that Respect must be our “over-arching strategic priority”
must be the most ill considered. Firstly, it ignores the fact that
the building of a revolutionary party is the over-arching priority
for any revolutionary Marxist. All other strategic decisions are
subordinate to this goal.
Six
years ago, the American International Socialist Organisation was
criticized by the SWP (Britain) for a sectarian refusal to engage
with the anti-capitalist movement. Alex Callinicos’ own article
on the split with the ISO-US includes the following statement
In an extraordinary speech at the ISO’s convention in December
2000, the group’s National Organizer, Sharon Smith, attacked
the idea that the ISO could, by systematically focusing on this
minority, “leapfrog” over the rest of the left, and
insisted that methods of party-building forged in the downturn were
necessary irrespective of the changing objective conditions. “Branches
are now and will always be the measure of the size of the organization,”
she said.
The
ISO-US was criticized for failing to see to that the gains from
a revolutionary organization engaging properly in a broad movement,
for both the organization and the class struggle, could not be simply
quantified by how many members the organization gained. A sect with
many members is of far less consequence in the class struggle than
a smaller group of revolutionaries playing an organic leadership
role in promoting political consciousness among the working classes
and oppressed layers. We feel that the SWP may repeat the ISO-US’s
mistakes - with the much greater consequences, this time, of the
wreck of the biggest advance for the British left-of-Labour since
the Second World War - if it lets Respect, as “only or primarily
an electoral project”, crumble at this point.
In
contrast, Socialist Worker - New Zealand sees Respect - and other
“broad left” formations, such as Die Linke in Germany,
the Left Bloc in Portugal, the PSUV in Venezuela and RAM in New
Zealand - as transitional formations, in the sense that Trotsky
would have understood. In programme and organization, they must
“meet the class half-way” - to provide a dialectical
unity between revolutionary principle and reformist mass consciousness.
If they have an electoral orientation, we must face the fact that
this cannot be avoided at this historical point. Lenin said in “Left-Wing”
Communism that parliamentary politics are not yet obsolete as far
as the mass of the class are concerned - this is not less true in
2007 than it was in 1921. The question is not whether Respect should
go in a “socialist” or “electoralist” direction,
but in how Respect’s electoral programme and strategy can
embody a set of transitional demands which intersect with the existing
electoralist consciousness of the working class.
The
personality of George Galloway MP and the links with Muslim communities
in London and Birmingham, seen in this light, are surely assets
to be worked with, not embarrassments to be minimized. When Galloway
came to New Zealand in July to support our campaign against Islamophobia,
he electrified audiences with frankly some of the best political
oratory that we have ever heard. No-one is claiming that he is a
saint, or that he has not made some questionable political choices,
but we refuse to believe that somehow over the space of a few months
he has become a “communalist, electoralist” devil.
The
latest news that comes to us is that John Rees, a SWP CC member
and the National Secretary of Respect, has publicly supported the
four Respect councilors in Tower Hamlets who have resigned the Respect
whip. If this is true, then the “civil war” in Respect
has escalated to the point where the two factions are virtually
functioning as separate parties - a “de facto” split
much more harmful in practice than a clean divorce. This course
of action is not only causing a serious haemorraging of cadre, but
destroying the credibility which your party has built up as the
most consistent and hard-working advocate of a new broad left in
England and Wales. If the SWP appears to be attempting to permanently
factionalise Respect, then it will be no wonder that other forces
are trying to exclude them - not because of a “witch-hunt
against socialists” (are you seriously claiming that Alan
Thornett and Jerry Hicks are witch-hunting socialists?) but for
reasons of simple self-preservation.
Socialist
Worker - New Zealand comrades see this course of action from our
IST comrades in the SWP as potentially suicidal. We see uncomfortable
parallels with the self-destruction of the Alliance in New Zealand
in 2001-2, where one faction deliberately escalated an inner-party
conflict to the point where a peaceable resolution became impossible.
Both sides of that struggle were permanently crippled in the aftermath.
If you comrades are serious about trying to salvage the potential
of Respect, I would urge your party to adopt the following measures
· Lower the temperature of the internal struggle in Respect,
by agreeing to a postponement of the Respect conference until at
least after the SWP conference in January;
·
recommit to building Respect as an active, campaigning organization
in the unions and the movements, rather than a formation solely
concerned with fighting elections, and to combining the SWP’s
work as an independent revolutionary organization with this goal;
·
put up proposals for more comprehensive institutions of democratic
debate and political education within Respect;
·
retreat from the current course of factionalist brinkmanship in
the current debate, and take whatever steps are necessary to repair
the working relationship between yourselves and other leaders and
tendencies within Respect; and
·
retract the expulsions of Kevin Ovenden, Nick Wrack and Rob Hoveman,
at least pending debate at your party conference.
If,
on the other hand, Respect is finished as a united political force,
it would surely be better for the two sides in this debate to approach
the question of “divorce” amicably and calmly, rather
than forcing the issue to a final conflict in the next few weeks
and destroying the trust between the SWP and other forces on the
left for perhaps a long time.
I
would also encourage your party to, as a matter of urgency, write
a report for the information of your fellow members of the International
Socialist Tendency, giving your analysis of the crisis within Respect
and your long-term strategy for building a broad-left political
alternative in Britain.
In
solidarity,
Daphne
Lawless
Editor,
UNITY magazine
Socialist
Worker - New Zealand
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